Colonel Abu Taher: The Architect of the 7 November Revolution
Bir Uttom Colonel Abu Taher, born on November 14, 1938, in Badarpur, Assam, significantly impacted Bangladesh's military and political landscape during and after the Liberation War. After completing his graduation from Sylhet MC College in 1959 and studying at the Social Welfare and Research Institute at the University of Dhaka, Taher briefly served as a teacher before joining the Pakistan Army in 1960. He received his Commission as a second lieutenant in 1962 and was transferred to the elite Special Service Group (Commando Force) in 1965. His combat experience intensified during the Indo-Pak War of 1965, where he fought valiantly in Kashmir and Sialkot, earning a Hilal-i-Jur'at for his bravery.
Taher specialized in guerrilla warfare, training at Ford Brag and Ford Benning in USA in 1969, and honing his skills in higher war techniques. He participated in the Senior Tactical Course at Quetta Staff College, Pakistan in 1970, which he abandoned upon witnessing the atrocities perpetrated by the Pakistan Army against the Bengali population starting on March 25, 1971.
Role in Bangladesh Liberation War
In July 1971, Captain Abu Taher, alongside three other Bengali officers—Major Abul Manzoor, Captain Dalim, and Captain Ziauddin—defected from the Pakistan Army and crossed the border near Abbottabad, West Pakistan, into India. After spending two weeks under Indian intelligence screening and debriefing, Taher was sent to the Bangladesh Forces (BDF) headquarters at 8 Theatre Road, Kolkata. There, he was promoted to the rank of Major and posted to Sector 11, which covered the Mymensingh District, Tangail District, and parts of the Rangpur District.
Initially, Taher was placed under the command of Major Ziaur Rahman at Teldhala, where he was appointed Sub-Sector Commander of the second sub-sector at Mahendraganj in August 1971. In October 1971, Major Ziaur Rahman was assigned to the Sylhet sector, and before his departure, he temporarily handed over command of Sector 11 to Major Taher. Taher held command for 22 days, during which he led operations against Pakistani forces.
On November 2, 1971, during a critical operation at Kamalpur, Taher was severely injured by a grenade blast, resulting in the loss of his left leg. Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah Khan was subsequently appointed Sector Commander of Sector 11 under direct orders from Colonel Osmani, the commander of the Bangladesh Forces.
After his injury, Major Taher was flown to Pune, India, where his leg was amputated, and he remained under medical care until February 1972. Despite his injury, Taher's valor and leadership during the war earned him the prestigious Bir Uttam award, honoring his sacrifice and contribution to Bangladesh's independence struggle.
Post-liberation activities: Reforms, Resignation, and Joining JASHOD
After the Liberation War ended in December 1971, Colonel Abu Taher played a pivotal role in the early stages of Bangladesh's military development. In the immediate aftermath of the war, he was appointed as the first Adjutant General (AG) of the newly formed Bangladesh Army. As AG, Taher initiated disciplinary actions against senior officers like Col. Mir Sawkat for illegal wealth accumulation, arguing that officers must return all illicitly acquired assets to stand as honorable men before the freedom fighters.
Taher was also a strong advocate for a people's army rather than a conventional standing army. He presented a proposal to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, arguing that maintaining a traditional army would be an unnecessary burden on the country’s war-ravaged economy. Drawing from his experience in the Pakistan Army, Taher warned of the dangers of a colonial-style, detached military and believed that Bangladesh needed a fundamentally different military structure to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past.
In April 1972, due to a shortage of personnel caused by many being interned as prisoners of war in Pakistan, Taher was reinstated into the Bangladesh Army. He was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and, in June 1972, appointed Commanding Officer of the 44th Battalion of the East Bengal Regiment at Comilla Cantonment. Here, Taher attempted to implement his leftist, communist-inspired reforms, advocating for a military organized along the lines of the Chinese model. However, these ideas clashed with the government's policies and the traditional military establishment.
As Taher’s reformist vision was increasingly sidelined, a distance grew between him and Bangabandhu. Frustrated by the lack of support for his ideas and realizing that his vision of a people’s army would not materialize under the current regime, Taher resigned from the army in October 1972. Following his resignation, he joined the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JASHOD), a left-wing political party that aligned with his revolutionary ideals.
ABU TAHER’S ROLE IN JASAD
The Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JASAD), a socialist political party in Bangladesh, was founded in 1972 as a breakaway faction from the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of the Bangladesh Awami League. Inspired by socialist ideals, JASAD aspired to create a classless, socialist state along the Chinese model, aiming to replace the existing government with a leftist, democratic structure.
Colonel Abu Taher emerged as one of JASAD's most prominent leaders and spearheaded its militant wing, Gonobahini. Taher’s vision involved mobilizing an armed resistance against the government led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, with the ultimate goal of instigating a revolution to establish a socialist democracy. The Gonobahini waged a left-wing insurgency, viewing the use of military force as essential for achieving its goals.
1974: Rising Discontent and Formation of the Revolutionary Soldiers' Organization
By 1974, tension within the military had reached a peak. Following independence, a number of Bengali officers returned from West Pakistan and were assigned high-ranking positions in the Bangladesh Army. This move caused friction with younger Mukti Bahini veterans, who felt marginalized despite their contributions during the Liberation War. The resentment among these younger soldiers and the class conflict it reflected became fertile ground for JASAD’s radical agenda.
In this context, Colonel Taher and his supporters established the "Biplobi Soinik Sangstha" (Revolutionary Soldiers' Organization) within the military. This armed faction aimed to transform the Bangladesh Army, rejecting hierarchical structures reminiscent of colonial military models. Taher advocated for a “people’s army” that would be devoid of officer ranks and dedicated to supporting class struggles, essentially militarizing JASAD’s socialist ideals. However, this infiltration of political ideology within the military ranks resulted in significant unrest and instability, further unsettling a nation still recovering from the Liberation War.
1974–1975: Growing Anti-Government Agitations and the Call for Revolution
Taher’s efforts in organizing clandestine cells within the army under the banner of the People's Revolutionary Army were pivotal in advancing JASAD’s goals of overthrowing the existing government. The anti-government agitations reached a climax between 1974 and 1975, as JASAD ramped up its mobilization efforts, calling for radical change and actively stirring dissent within the military.
During this period, Taher’s supporters within the army raised various demands, including the abolition of the "batman" system (which provided officers with personal aides), higher wages, better living conditions, and the removal of officer ranks. While Taher envisioned a military-led transformation to address these grievances, his focus on military-led governance drew criticism for neglecting civilian and democratic structures, a miscalculation that ultimately hindered his movement’s popular appeal.
15 August,1975 Coup
Abu Taher welcomed the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 15 August 1975, remarking,
“They've made a big mistake. They shouldn't have allowed Sheikh Mujib's burial. Now a shrine will be built there. His body should have been thrown into the Bay of Bengal.
It was known that Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal had plans for an insurrection against Sheikh Mujib's government. After the 15 August coup, JSD encouraged its followers to study Marx's The Class Struggles in France. On the morning of the coup, Taher received several phone calls, urging him to go to Bangladesh Betar, the government radio station. Upon reaching the radio station, he met Major Rashid, one of the key organizers of Sheikh Mujib's assassination. Rashid took Taher to a room, where he saw Major Dalim, Taheruddin Thakur and Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad. Taher was invited to join the cabinet by Rashid, which he declined. Taher was present at Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad's swearing-in ceremony.
Colonel Abu Taher's Stance After 15th August:
When Colonel Taher learned of the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family on August 15, 1975, he was not pleased for two main reasons. First, he believed the assassins had no noble intent. In his view, the ideal approach would have been to oust Sheikh Mujib through a popular uprising for deceiving the people ("I am revealed among the whole nation" – Taher's testimony). Second, Taher considered the government of Khandakar Moshtaque Ahmed, which came to power immediately after, to be an unacceptable alternative. According to Taher, the assassination only brought about one real change: Bangladesh was “dislodged from the Indo-Soviet orbit and fell into the imperialist pit of America.” In his own words, “the August coup dragged the country from civilian dictatorship into the deep darkness of military-bureaucratic dictatorship.”
Upon hearing of Sheikh Mujib's assassination, Taher rushed to the Dhaka Radio Station to discuss the situation with the coup leaders, where Khandakar Moshtaque Ahmed was also present. Taher made several recommendations to them, with the following being particularly notable:
1. Immediate repeal of the Fourth Constitutional Amendment.
2. Release of all political prisoners.
3. Formation of a National Government, comprising political parties other than BAKSAL (the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League).
4. Arrangements for general elections to establish a new national parliament.
These recommendations reveal Taher’s broader plan. Releasing all political prisoners would have freed thousands of JASAD activists from various jails. A national government would have positioned key JASAD leaders in influential roles, and under the political climate of that time, elections would have likely allowed JASAD to gain significant influence in parliament. This would have enabled Taher to implement his revolutionary program through a constitutional process. However, the coup on November 3 severely disrupted JASAD's activities as a party and Taher’s objectives as a military leader. Examining the events reveals that Brigadier Khaled Musharraf’s primary aim in leading the November 3 coup was to free the military from the influence of revolutionaries like Taher.
Consequently, the goal of the November 7 “Sipahi-Janata Biplob” (Soldiers-People Revolution) became to counter Khaled Musharraf and brand him as an “agent of the Indo-Soviet axis,” with the intent of dismantling the forces behind the November 3 coup.
On the night of November 6, Colonel Taher chaired a meeting with revolutionary soldier organizations, where several key decisions were made:
1. To overthrow Khaled Musharraf and his associates.
2. To free Ziaur Rahman from confinement.
3. To establish a Revolutionary Military Command Council to handle military matters.
4. To release all political prisoners, regardless of affiliation.
5. To implement the 12-point demands of the revolutionary soldier organizations.
The essence of these 12 demands was the formation of a classless military as a preliminary step toward establishing a classless society. Taher’s vision involved dismantling the elitist defense structure by eliminating officer ranks and entrusting general soldiers with all aspects of national defense. His radical belief that the military no longer needed officers led to widespread unrest, and many senior officers ultimately lost their lives to the hands of ordinary soldiers. The estimated death toll of officers at the time reached approximately 36.
November 1975: Political Upheaval and the “Soldiers’ Uprising”
The political climate in Bangladesh grew increasingly volatile in late 1975. Following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in August 1975, the country was plunged into chaos, with multiple factions vying for power. JASAD's Gonobahini, led by Taher, sought to capitalize on economic grievances and growing frustrations among soldiers, encouraging a rebellion against the military elite. Propaganda materials were distributed in army barracks to foster resentment and to position the military as a catalyst for socio-political change.
On November 7, 1975, JASAD’s supporters, alongside factions from the Muslim League, united under the slogan "Sipahi-Janata Bhai Bhai" (soldiers and people are brothers), calling for a “people’s revolution” through military intervention. Taher took temporary control of the Dhaka Radio Station to broadcast his revolutionary vision. However, his aspirations for a military-led government and equal footing between soldiers and civilians ultimately faltered. Major General Ziaur Rahman, who emerged as the primary power broker amid the chaos, initially gave assurances to Taher, including the release of political prisoners, but soon disregarded these promises. This revolution however came after a coup attempt that happened on 3 November,1975.
The Role of Brigadier Khalid Musharraf and the Failed Rebellion
In the midst of this upheaval, Brigadier Khalid Musharraf attempted a coup, which was initially rumored to have Indian support but later appeared to be his own initiative. Taher, aligned with JASAD, encouraged Ziaur Rahman to lead the growing rebellion within the army. However, Zia hesitated, leading him to use the Bangladesh Police to detain Taher instead. This hesitance created an opening for JASAD-inspired mutinies to erupt in several cantonments, resulting in the deaths of numerous officers and further destabilizing the army.
Following Taher’s arrest, General Zia swiftly consolidated his control, suppressing the leftist rebellion and rounding up numerous mutineers. Many JASAD-affiliated officers were forced into hiding, effectively dismantling the momentum Taher and JASAD had built within the military.
3 November 1975 Coup
Colonel Abu Taher played a critical role during the events surrounding the November 3, 1975 coup in Bangladesh. Though the coup was led by Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf, Taher, a socialist and former army officer, actively opposed the military elite, including Mosharraf. After General Ziaur Rahman was placed under house arrest, every night between 4 and 6 November, Taher organized secret meetings with soldiers and non-commissioned officers, who shared his anti-elite sentiment. Taher led the Biplobi Shainik Sangstha (Revolutionary Soldiers' Organization), a socialist group within the army, and worked to incite a mutiny among lower-ranking soldiers.
Taher viewed Khaled Mosharraf's coup as a "palace coup" that did not represent the people's interests but served external forces, notably India. Right before Zia was arrested, he reportedly made a phone call to Taher, urging him to save him. Taher sought to free Zia from house arrest, believing that Zia could lead a broader movement for social change. However, Zia ultimately distanced himself from Taher's socialist agenda after coming to power, leading to Taher's arrest and subsequent execution.
7 November 1975 Coup
On November 7, 1975, a critical coup occurred in Bangladesh, often referred to as the "Sepoy-Janata Biplob" (Soldier-People's Revolution). The coup was led by a combination of soldiers and civilians, orchestrated largely by Colonel Abu Taher, a retired socialist army officer. The uprising began in Dhaka Cantonment and quickly spread to other cities like Rangpur and Chittagong. Taher's influence among the rank-and-file soldiers, particularly through the Biplobi Shainik Sangstha, was instrumental in mobilizing support for the coup.
During the coup, General Ziaur Rahman was freed from house arrest by mutinous soldiers. After his release, Zia was taken to the 2nd Field Artillery Regiment headquarters, where he met with Taher. According to witnesses, Zia expressed gratitude toward Taher for rescuing him, even embracing him in a show of solidarity. Taher, who opposed the military hierarchy and sought a socialist revolution, viewed the coup as a chance to empower common soldiers and shift away from elite rule within the army.
Taher’s role in the coup was crucial, as he had mobilized the mutiny against Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf, who had come to power just days earlier in a previous coup. Taher and his supporters believed that the November 7 coup would usher in a new era of military and social equality. However, after the coup succeeded in removing Mosharraf, Taher and Zia’s political visions diverged. While Taher had hoped for a socialist transformation, Zia soon took control of the military and government, moving away from Taher’s ideals.
Ultimately, Zia consolidated power and suppressed the socialist movement within the army, leading to Taher’s arrest, secret trial, and eventual execution in 1976. Taher’s leadership in the November 7 coup is remembered for its attempt to challenge military elitism and advocate for a people-centered revolution, though his aspirations were ultimately curtailed by Zia’s rise to power.
Trial & Execution
Do you think I wish to hang Taher? Well, I don't. But the Law of the Land should carry its Course. And he (Colonel Abu Taher) did not send any Mercy Petition and so what is there for me to do?
-Lieutenant General Ziaur Rahman during a conversation with General Mir Shawkat Ali Khan on the night of Colonel Abu Taher's execution.
After Ziaur Rahman regained control of the army following the November 7, 1975, coup, he sought to restore military discipline, which had been severely disrupted by the soldiers' mutiny. On 24 November 1975, Zia ordered the arrest of Colonel Abu Taher on charges of high treason and murder. Taher was tried by a military tribunal inside the Dhaka Central Jail and was sentenced to death on 17 July 1976. He was executed by hanging on 21 July 1976. His last meal reportedly consisted of mangoes and tea.
On the day of his execution, Colonel Taher was informed, "Today your execution will be carried out." He calmly thanked the messenger and proceeded to finish his meal without any sign of fear or distress. A religious cleric arrived to recite the tawbah (a prayer for forgiveness), but Taher, confident in his innocence, remarked, "The corruption of your society never touched me. I was never involved in any sinful acts. I am innocent. You may go now, I will sleep." After this, he peacefully went to sleep.
At around 3 a.m., Taher was woken up. He asked for the time, then brushed his teeth, shaved, and took a bath. When those present offered to help, he declined, saying, "I do not want your hands on my pure body." He then put on his artificial leg by himself, wore his pants and shoes, and donned a fine shirt. After placing his watch on his wrist and combing his hair, he calmly ate a mango, drank some tea, and smoked a cigarette. Noticing the somber mood of those around him, Taher said, "Why are you all so downcast? I wanted to bring a smile to death’s face. Death cannot defeat me."
In his final letter to his wife, Lutfunnesa, Taher expressed his unwavering spirit, writing,
"No one can kill me. I am manifested in my entire nation. To kill me, one would have to destroy the entire nation.”
High Court Ruling on Colonel Abu Taher's Trial:
On 22 March 2011, the Bangladesh High Court overturned the 1976 military tribunal's verdict that sentenced Colonel Abu Taher to death, declaring the trial illegal and unconstitutional. The court called Taher's execution a "cold-blooded assassination" orchestrated by Major General Ziaur Rahman.
About Taher’s trial process the court in the verdict observed: “It was a melodrama, it was a fiction.”
The court says Colonel Abu Taher and his comrades-in-arms JSD leader Hasanul Huq Inu MP, Mahmudur Rahman Manna and Major Ziauddin--all of them--should be hailed as “patriot” instead of “traitor”.
The ruling followed writ petitions by Taher's wife Lutfunnesa Taher, his brother Dr. Anwar Hossain, and others wrongfully convicted by the same tribunal. The court acquitted all petitioners of the charges. This decision cleared Taher's name posthumously, acknowledging the trial as a political move under martial law.
Legacy and Consequences
By attempting to drive socio-political reforms through a military-led movement, Taher ultimately relied on the same authoritarian structures he had initially opposed. His vision for a “people’s army” that would challenge elitist military hierarchies and foster class equality lacked a cohesive plan for governance and civilian welfare. Consequently, Taher’s experiment in military revolution intensified polarization and militarization within Bangladesh’s political landscape, leaving a complex legacy of ideological division and unrest.
The repercussions of Taher’s movement underscored the dangers of politicizing the armed forces. While his ambitions were rooted in equality and socialist values, his methods ultimately introduced further instability, leading to a period of military dominance in Bangladeshi politics that would shape the nation’s trajectory for years to come.
Sources:
1)https://www.usiofindia.org/publication-journal/spring-thunder-in-bangladesh.html
2)https://cgs-bd.com/article/20335/Bangladesh%27s-Historic-Political-Crossroads-on-November-7%2C-1975
3)https://www.bbc.com/bengali/news/2011/03/110322_mk_taher_verdict
5)https://www.kalerkantho.com/print-edition/muktadhara/2018/11/07/700608
