Siraj Sikder: A Red Misfit in Bangladesh's Political Landscape

History Oct 20, 2024
Remember, remember one thing  
Between the conflicts, the disputes, the quarrels  
All we have is one wish
And that is selfless public service  
So long!’  

 In the 53-year history of independent Bangladesh, few figures have sparked as much controversy as Siraj Sikder. To some, he was a revolutionary and a voice for the oppressed, while others saw him as a looter, traitor, and radical. Regardless of these mixed opinions, Sikder remains a significant figure in post-independence Bangladesh, particularly in the tumultuous era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's administration (1972–1975). His influence on the Maoist insurgency in the Indian subcontinent and his role in shaping Bangladesh's leftist movements are still debated today. 

Early Life and Education 

Siraj Sikder was born in late October 1944 in Lakarta, Shariatpur, to a family with a background in landownership. He completed his schooling at Barisal Zilla School in 1959 and later attended Barisal Brojomohun College, where he completed his intermediate studies in 1961. In 1963, Sikder enrolled in the East Pakistan University of Engineering and Technology (now BUET) and graduated with a first-class degree in civil engineering in 1967. 

While Sikder had been involved in student organizations since his school days, it was during his time at BUET that he became politically active. The university’s Students’ Union split into pro-Moscow and pro-China factions, and Sikder aligned himself with the pro-China group, signaling his future ideological path. His transformation into a dedicated leftist was marked by his rejection of individualism—he famously burned all his personal photographs and immersed himself in Maoist texts. 

In 1966, Sikder married Rawshan Ara Mukti, a woman who had worked for his family. This was a period of intense political and personal growth for Sikder, as he began to reject the conservative middle-class lifestyle he had known and turned his focus toward revolutionary activity. 

Early Political Involvement and Maoist Influence 

After graduating, Sikder briefly worked for the government and later accepted a job with a private engineering firm, "The Engineers Limited," which took him to Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar. Here, his revolutionary journey truly began. In 1968, Sikder and his comrades made their first attempt to connect with communist insurgents across the Burmese border in Arakan, but the mission failed due to betrayal by their guide. Despite setbacks, Sikder and his followers remained committed to their cause, even experimenting with tunnel warfare and homemade explosives, though these efforts also proved unsuccessful. 

Recognizing the need for a more structured political movement, Sikder founded the East Bengal Workers Movement (EBWM) in May 1968, marking the creation of what was arguably the first political party in East Pakistan to use a Bengali name. The EBWM operated as a secret organization with members adopting pseudonyms. Sikder himself became the leader and editor of the party and was responsible for drafting its manifesto. The party’s headquarters, the "Mao Tse-tung Thought Research Centre," was set up in Dhaka but frequently faced attacks from right-wing groups. 

Ideological Development and the Road to Independence 

During this period, Sikder worked on his seminal piece, the "Thesis of the East Bengal Workers Movement," in which he outlined the party's views on the colonization of East Bengal by Pakistan and urged for a united communist front to overthrow the regime of General Yahya Khan. Notably, the thesis included a proposal for a national flag with a red circle in the center of a green background—an idea later adopted as the national flag of Bangladesh. 

By 1969, East Pakistan was experiencing widespread unrest, and Sikder’s party was gaining momentum. He forged ties with Colonel Abu Taher, who shared his belief in the necessity of an independent East Bengal. However, ideological differences eventually led to a split between Sikder's EBWM and Taher’s faction. Sikder also grew increasingly critical of the Awami League’s rising prominence, particularly Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s "Joy Bangla" slogan, which Sikder saw as foreshadowing Indian involvement in East Bengal’s affairs—something he and his party vehemently opposed. 

When the Awami League won a landslide victory in the 1970 general election, tensions between Sikder’s party and Mujib’s government escalated. Sikder openly criticized Mujib’s Six-Point Movement and called for a more radical approach to independence, appealing to the working class to take up arms. 

The War of Independence and the Formation of the Proletarian Party 

When the Bangladesh Liberation War erupted in March 1971, Sikder and his followers left Dhaka for Madaripur, Barisal. On 30 April, the East Bengal Workers Movement formed its own guerrilla force, known as Muktibahini, and established a secret base in Peyara Bagan, a network of 62 villages. The party implemented Maoist strategies, appointing political commissars and commanders to oversee different sectors within the camp. However, their guerrilla efforts were met with mixed success, and they suffered significant losses during skirmishes with the Pakistani military. 

Sikder’s distrust of Indian involvement in the war grew, as he feared India would attempt to control an independent Bangladesh. His party condemned the Mujibnagar Government, which had aligned with India, and called for a National Liberation Front independent of foreign influence. 

On 3 June 1971, Sikder disbanded the EBWM and formed the Proletarian Party of East Bengal (Shorbohara Party). Despite internal disputes and challenges, Sikder's Shorbohara Party continued to fight both the Pakistani military and rival Bangladeshi forces, particularly those aligned with the Awami League. 

Post-Independence Struggles and Growing Infamy 

After the war, the Shorbohara Party remained active, but Sikder’s strict leadership style led to internal dissent. He dismissed members for minor infractions, such as getting married without his permission. One such incident involved Selim Shahnewaz, a prominent member of the party, who was accused of stealing funds. When Selim and his wife Chobi were expelled from the party, Selim was later found dead, his body dumped in the Sugandha River. Chobi’s brother, Humayun Kabir, a renowned poet and former EBWM member, was also killed by Shorbohara Party operatives under Sikder’s orders. 

As Bangladesh began to recover from the devastation of war, the Shorbohara Party increasingly engaged in violent activities, including attacks on police stations and banks. These actions alienated many of Sikder’s former supporters, and the party's reputation shifted from that of a revolutionary group to that of bandits and looters. Nevertheless, Sikder remained vocal in his opposition to the Awami League government, which he accused of betraying the revolution by aligning with India. 

The Fall of Siraj Sikder 

By 1974, Bangladesh was in turmoil, plagued by famine, floods, inflation, and political instability. Sikder’s Shorbohara Party capitalized on this unrest, calling for strikes and protests against the government. In 1975, as Mujib’s administration cracked down on dissent, Sikder became a marked man. 

On 1 January 1975, Siraj Sikder was arrested in Chittagong following a party meeting. He was transferred to Dhaka and allegedly tortured by the infamous Rakkhi Bahini before being shot dead while reportedly trying to escape in Savar on 2 January. The circumstances of his death remain controversial, with many believing it was an extrajudicial killing. Prime Minister Sheikh Mujib later referenced Sikder’s death in Parliament, rhetorically asking, "Where is Siraj Sikder?"—a statement that has since become emblematic of the oppressive nature of Mujib’s regime during that period. 

Legacy 

Siraj Sikder’s death marked the beginning of the end for the Shorbohara Party, which fractured due to internal strife and lack of leadership. Although the party continued to exist, it never regained its former prominence. 

Sikder’s legacy is complex. To his supporters, he was a revolutionary hero who fought for the rights of the working class and ethnic minorities. He was one of the first political figures to openly criticize Mujib’s government and call out its authoritarian tendencies. To his detractors, however, Sikder was a radical and a violent insurgent whose tactics often bordered on terrorism. 

Regardless of how one views him, Siraj Sikder remains an important figure in Bangladesh’s political history—one whose ideas, though radical at the time, have continued to influence political discourse in the decades following his death. 


Source

1. লাল সন্ত্রাস - মহিউদ্দিন আহমেদ 

2. জাসদের উত্থান পতন - মহিউদ্দিন আহমেদ  

3. রক্ষীবাহিনীর সত্য মিথ্যা- আনোয়ার উল আলম 

4. সিরাজ সিকদার রচনা সংগ্রহ- সিরাজ শিকদার 

5. Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood- Anthony Mascarenhas 

6.বিচিত্রার প্রচ্ছদ কাহিনী ১৯৭৮ : সিরাজ সিকদার হত্যার নেপথ্য কাহিনী | অর্থনীতি-অনর্থনীতি

7.Trial of killing of Siraj Sikder, other slain leaders demanded | The New Age

Tags